I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.
We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world - tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent
minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the
continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against
civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably
hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human
rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.
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So long
as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower
those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather
than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice
and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I
have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and
Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual
respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not
exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and
share common principles - principles of justice and progress; tolerance
and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so
recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can
eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have
all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am
convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things
we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed
doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to
learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common
ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak
always the truth." That is what I will try to do - to speak the truth
as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief
that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than
the forces that drive us apart.
Part of this conviction
is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came
from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I
spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the
break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago
communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As
a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was
Islam - at places like Al-Azhar University - that carried the light of
learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's
Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities
that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of
navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how
disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us
majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished
music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And
throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the
possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The
first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty
of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United
States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion
or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims
have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served
in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at
our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes,
built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the
first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the
oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of
our Founding Fathers - Thomas Jefferson - kept in his personal library.
So
I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region
where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that
partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is,
not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as
President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of
Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle
must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit
a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a
self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest
sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of
revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all
are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries
to give meaning to those words - within our borders, and around the
world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the
Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of
many, one."
Much has been made of the fact that an
African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected
President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of
opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America,
but its promise exists for all who come to our shores - that includes
nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy
incomes and education that are higher than average.
Moreover,
freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's
religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union,
and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S.
government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to
wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.
So
let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that
America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion,
or station in life, all of us share common aspirations - to live in
peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to
love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share.
This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course,
recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.
Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be
met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that
the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will
hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience
that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt
everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.
When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack
rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch
of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents
in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective
conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st
century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human
beings.
This is a difficult responsibility to embrace.
For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes
subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new
age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any
world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another
will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be
prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership;
progress must be shared.
That does not mean we should
ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must
face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as
clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe
we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In
Ankara, I made clear that America is not - and never will be - at war
with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists
who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same
thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men,
women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect
the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan
demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven
years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with
broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because
of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of
9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that
day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and
many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al
Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the
attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive
scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand
their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to
be dealt with.
Make no mistake: we do not want to keep
our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is
agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and
politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring
every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there
were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to
kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the
case.
That's why we're partnering with a coalition of
forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's
commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these
extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people
of different faiths - more than any other, they have killed Muslims.
Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the
progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that
whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and
whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The
enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the
narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating
violent extremism - it is an important part of promoting peace.
We
also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems
in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion
each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build
schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions
to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing
more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and
deliver services that people depend upon.
Let me also
address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice
that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.
Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off
without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in
Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build
international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.
Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope
that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we
use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America
has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future - and to
leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we
pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's
sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat
brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with
Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from
Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012.
We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy.
But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as
a patron.
And finally, just as America can never
tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles.
9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it
provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change
course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the
United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed
by early next year.
So America will defend itself
respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we
will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also
threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in
Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's
strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It
is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that
the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that
cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people
were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated
in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which
was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot
and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -
more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that
fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with
destruction - or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews - is deeply
wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most
painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this
region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also
undeniable that the Palestinian people - Muslims and Christians - have
suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have
endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West
Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that
they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations -
large and small - that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt:
the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will
not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for
dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.
For
decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate
aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.
It is easy to point fingers - for Palestinians to point to the
displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to
the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within
its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from
one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only
resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two
states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.
That
is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and
the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this
outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations
that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace
to come, it is time for them - and all of us - to live up to our
responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence.
Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed.
For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as
slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that
won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence
upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story
can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern
Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is
a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets
at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how
moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now
is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The
Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with
institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have
support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities.
To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the
Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past
agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.
At
the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to
exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does
not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This
construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to
achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
Israel
must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can
live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates
Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does
not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of
opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the
Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must
take concrete steps to enable such progress.
Finally,
the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an
important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The
Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people
of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for
action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that
will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to
choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America
will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public
what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We
cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel
will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a
Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to
be true.
Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has
been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the
mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up
without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of
peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and
lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all
of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the
story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them)
joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This
issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the
Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in
part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous
history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States
played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian
government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in
acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians.
This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I
have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is
prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is
against, but rather what future it wants to build.
It
will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with
courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss
between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without
preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all
concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a
decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is
about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead
this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I
understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that
others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations
hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's
commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
And any nation - including Iran - should have the right to access
peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under
the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of
the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am
hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I
know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in
recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in
Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be
imposed upon one nation by any other.
That does not
lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of
the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way,
grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume
to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick
the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief
that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your
mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of
law and the equal administration of justice; government that is
transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as
you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights,
and that is why we will support them everywhere.
There
is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear:
governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable,
successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them
go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding
voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And
we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments - provided they
govern with respect for all their people.
This last
point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy
only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in
suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold,
government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for
all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not
coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate
with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests
of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process
above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not
make true democracy.
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam
has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of
Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a
child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an
overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People
in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based
upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is
essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many
different ways.
Among some Muslims, there is a
disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of
another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld - whether
it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines
must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni
and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom
of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We
must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in
the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for
Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am
committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can
fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western
countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as
they see fit - for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman
should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind
the pretence of liberalism.
Indeed, faith should bring
us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America
that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we
welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue
and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the
world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between
peoples lead to action - whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or
providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.
I
know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the
West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal,
but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied
equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are
well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now
let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an
issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have
seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the
struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American
life, and in countries around the world.
Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and
our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity - men
and women - to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women
must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect
those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it
should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with
any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and
to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that
helps people live their dreams.
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I
know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The
Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also
offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth
and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.
In all nations - including my own - this change can bring fear. Fear
that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic
choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities - those
things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our
traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human
progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between
development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew
their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true
for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from
Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim
communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
This
is important because no development strategy can be based only upon
what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young
people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a
consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader
development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation
will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim
communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am
emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in
the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now
seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand
exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought
my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in
Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with
internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and
children around the world; and create a new online network, so a
teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.
On
economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers
to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will
host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can
deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social
entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the
world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new
fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries,
and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs.
We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle
East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate
on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs,
digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am
announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic
Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships
with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All
these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join
with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious
leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help
our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have
described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to
join together on behalf of the world we seek - a world where extremists
no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a
world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of
their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world
where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's
children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world
we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know
there are many - Muslim and non-Muslim - who question whether we can
forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of
division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it
isn't worth the effort - that we are fated to disagree, and
civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that
real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if
we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I
want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every
country - you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.
All
of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is
whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether
we commit ourselves to an effort - a sustained effort - to find common
ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect
the dignity of all human beings.
It is easier to start
wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look
inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things
we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.
There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion - that
we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth
transcends nations and peoples - a belief that isn't new; that isn't
black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a
belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats
in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what
brought me here today.
We have the power to make the
world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning,
keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran
tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we
have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."
The
people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's
vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may
God's peace be upon you.
